Author Archives: Kendyl Salcito

U.S. National Action Plan on Responsible Business Conduct – Post III of III

U.S. National Action Plan on Responsible Business Conduct – Post III of III

The Bureau of Democracy, Labor and Rights rounded out the consultation phase of its National Action Plan drafting with an Open Dialog in Washington, D.C. on April 16. With 225 registered attendees, it was the largest of the events, and with 9 government agencies in attendance, it may have offered the greatest opportunity for the diverse elements of U.S. government to achieve a unified vision of America’s role in ensuring that business respects human rights. Human Rights Watch’s Arvind Ganesan described it as a chance to “institutionalize” basic business and human rights principles like transparency.

We agree, and several of our recommendations to the U.S. government examine opportunities to increase transparency of corporate activities as they relate to an array of government agencies.

Our submission to the government is available at the link below, as well as on the International Corporate Accountability Roundtable‘s portal supporting the NAP: nationalactionplan.us.

Comments to USG on NAP

What do Blackwater, Oklahoma and the Extractive Sector have in common? US National Action Plan on business and human rights – Blog Post II

This week, four private security contractors to the US Department of Defense were sentenced to extended prison terms for the gruesome shooting of 31 Iraqi civilians in Nisour Square, in 2007.  The sentences come on the heels of the US Government’s third and penultimate consultation on the role of the US Government in ensuring that American corporations respect human rights abroad.

The consultation, held in Norman, Oklahoma, focused on private security as one of three primary issues of concern, alongside extractive industries and indigenous rights issues. While the State Department has taken steps to require its private security contractors to sign the International Code of Conduct and adhere to ICOCA standards, the commitment does not extend across government agencies. The Department of Defense, for example, does not require its defense contractors to belong to the ICOCA.

Participants at last week’s meeting made clear that that should change.

Not only is defense contracting one of the clearest areas where government contractors pose human rights risks to civilians abroad, it is also an arena that is increasingly of concern to global industries that hire private security for their operations. Petroleum and mining companies are among the largest clients for private security companies, and they have struggled for years to ensure that their operations are not complicit in human rights violations.

Extractive companies were strongly represented at the consultation in Norman, seeking clear guidance from the US Government on how best to do that. A government lead on commitment to the ICOCA would be a start. Another major advancement would be government lead transparency. Companies have been reluctant to publish the human rights due diligence they carry out in their operations. No company wants to be the first mover, and all can hide behind the fact that other companies comparably opaque about how they manage human rights risks. The result is that companies’ claims that they are respecting human rights cannot be tested, and their human rights due diligence cannot be determined to be satisfactory in form or content. Transparency is a core human rights value.

The US Government could publish the human rights due diligence of its own contractors, and it could encourage large multinational corporations to follow suit.

It is impossible to know whether human rights due diligence of Blackwater’s operations in Iraq might have identified training shortfalls and stressful conditions among Blackwater employees that could have prevented the tragedy in Nisour Square. However, publication of such due diligence could have raised warning flags for other security contractors whose practices are similar, and publication of weak due diligence could have raised warning flags for the US Government that its contractors were ill equipped for the job at hand.

NomoGaia will be contributing input to the National Action Plan based on our practitioners’ knowledge and experience. If you have insight that might tip the scales toward improving human rights outcomes for populations affected by American businesses abroad, send comments to NAP-RBC@state.gov.

 

(Photo credit: Heath Powell, 2006)

It’s World Water Week! A great time for companies to see water as a human rights issue

[A version of this post ran on CSR Wire on March 20, 2015, available here.]

Between the global food crisis of 2008, the unanimous UN endorsement of Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the undeniable influence that climate change is having on agricultural areas, a wide array of longstanding corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives now share space under a single umbrella: corporate human rights due diligence. As these initiatives converge around global business, it is becoming clear that piecemeal efforts to tackle supply chain challenges are not sufficient to make supply chains rights-respectful and truly environmentally sound. There are still many lessons to be learned in the corporate sector.

Water protests are about more than just quantity

Challenges in managing water risks in corporate supply chains shed light on the ways that corporate risks overlap and interact. Activists’ and communities’ growing use of human rights language to protest corporate water impacts is an embodiment of this new reality. Right to Water protests do not simply ask companies to account for their water usage – they demand that companies consider holistically the livelihoods, insecurities and welfare of the people surrounding their operations. In the agricultural supply chain, challenges are manifold. In some cases, small-scale farmers are demanding attention from large-scale agricultural operations that displace them. In others, cash crops are supplanting subsistence crops. This may appear to benefit food security in the short term, but if replacement crops are more water-intensive or less resistant to climate change, it may actually be detrimental to human welfare in the long term. When market prices tank or harvests are destroyed, smallholder cash crop growers stand to lose everything. Such events have been followed by anti-corporate protests around the globe. Beyond the agricultural supply chain, companies face additional, non-technical challenges. For example, Coca-Cola has experienced a clear call for holistic engagement on water issues with its operations in India. The company has operated a bottling plant in Varanasi since 2001 that has faced consistent water protests although hydrology experts have shown that Coke’s water use is not causing or materially contributing to the area’s falling water table. A documentary film in 2012 alleged that Nestlé was draining an aquifer used by farmers in Lahore, Pakistan. The company asserts that agriculture, not its plant, is lowering the aquifer, although evidence is lacking. The technical information—the data— would be important, but that misses the point of the protests: water security, including perceived water security, is changing.

Water Risks Aren’t Cut and Dry

Water crises are growing increasingly frequent and ubiquitous. A glance at a water scarcity map can no longer predict the site of the next catastrophe. Last month alone, two of the world’s wettest tropical countries – Brazil and Thailand – announced water crises. Unequal water distribution and pollution in Mexico has caused extreme water stress in key agricultural regions, and protesters have already halted construction of a dam that farmers feared would affect their water access. Pakistan has seen its water availability drop five-fold in 70 years, and now its joint water and energy crisis is creating double resource competition between residents and industry. Water users, including farmers, local industries and domestic users, are seeing resource competition intensify.

Most companies are not well prepared to link water scarcity problems with the complex livelihood, health and social dimensions of life that are touched by water; they advertise separate initiatives to tackle food insecurity, water scarcity, carbon emissions and social programs in their CSR reports.

That fragmentary approach just won’t work. Livelihoods are changing as globalization expands its reach, and companies with sprawling supply chains are part of that process. The technical fixes put forth by narrowly targeted initiatives are not designed to tackle the sense of insecurity the caused by the changes populations are experiencing. Coke has discovered this firsthand. Its latest technological improvements at Varanasi involved harvesting rainwater to recharge local aquifers at twice the facility’s rate of withdrawal. Coke says that upgrade would actually be improving water security in the area, on top of the significant efforts the company had made in the previous decade to cut water usage by nearly 70%. But communities and officials rejected the plan, anyway; in 2014 Coke scrapped a $25 million expansion plan.

Employing the human rights lens prepares companies to foresee and address water conflicts

There is already a growing effort by big-name companies to look beyond the factory and fence line to consider impacts outside their facilities and direct suppliers. Nike and Adidas are reducing their chemical usage to improve the quality of their discharged water. Coke and Pepsi are deeply involved in initiatives to manage water table declines near their manufacturing facilities.

The lens now needs to be turned back inward, to view these operations from the perspective of outsiders. This is referred to as the “human rights lens.” It performs the powerful function of enabling companies to understand how their presence is viewed by local populations in light of resource restraints and political disempowerment. It enables companies to see water, not as a commodity purchased, treated, monitored, measured, used and discarded, but as a source of security, cultural heritage, livelihood and welfare.

The need for a new perspective is not just about corporate empathy. Instead, it is what will enable companies to foresee and prevent complaints before they become crises. Companies that describe CSR as a “moving target” have missed the mark. Coke has faced intense scrutiny for its bottlers’ heavy use of groundwater, but as the company began addressing water impacts, new complaints surfaced against the company’s sugar suppliers, which used children to harvest cane. This does not reflect shifting social priorities; it reflects the consistent expectation that companies produce their goods and services without violating human rights. Coke has noticed the pattern; it has broadened its water focus to include the water impacts of its sugar suppliers, and it has steadily ratcheted up its labor standards from its factories down to its raw materials suppliers. Coke’s audits, supplier questionnaires and codes of conduct are moving the company forward, yet I suspect that Coca Cola has not faced its last protest or shutdown— they didn’t position Coke to effectively answer the latest Varanasi protests.

The UN Guiding Principles describe how to “do no harm”: conduct due diligence on your organization, operations and business relationships to identify and address human rights impacts in an ongoing manner. Identifying human rights impacts requires directly engaging with the affected. So the question for global companies with sprawling supply chains is: how is that done?

The most direct way to get a handle on conditions on the ground is to ask the people who are affected.

“Stakeholder engagement” has become a term of art. The CEO Water Mandate guidance demands it, UN Guiding Principles demand it. Coke, Pepsi, Apple, Cisco, Hanes, GAP, Microsoft and Samsung, among others, have published definitions of stakeholders and descriptions of engagement policies. These companies have joined, and in some cases, facilitated multi-stakeholder initiatives to incorporate NGOs and governments into discussions on social risks of global business operations. These initiatives are not designed to incorporate the individuals that actually surround and interact with their operations. Governments often have financial interest in promoting corporate growth over public welfare. Companies can be conflicted over whether operating within the letter of the law inherently sets them up to violate rights. NGO representatives also have agendas, often dictated by their funding sources, which require them to attack certain companies or acquiesce on certain topics. Many of the allegations against Coca Cola in India have been proven false over the years, but activists continue to receive funding to advocate for their cause. As a result, they are not always positioned to advocate for the truly affected.

To reach the affected, rightsholder engagement is needed. Rightsholders are the individuals whose human rights are impacted by a company’s operations. They are distinct from stakeholders, in that they often have no stake in the company at all – just a stake in their local livelihoods and welfare. The importance of this group, and the lens they apply to corporate activity, has largely eluded many apparel, tech and food/beverage companies. Recent research has identified these industries as significant laggards in terms of business and human rights and, in particular, in engaging directly with affected communities. These companies have become CSR leaders in many arenas but they have fallen behind on human rights. Apparel companies focus on factory safety in Bangladesh without recognizing that a human rights lens would reveal a broader array of risks to worker welfare. Beverage companies consider the environmental impacts of their water usage without recognizing the cultural role that water plays in many societies.

Corporate needs to lead, but local managers need to buy in

Plant managers are poorly positioned to start engaging with rightsholders. For one thing, they are not trained or hired to manage community perceptions or grievances. For another, many managers take pride in their work and resent the notion that they require the additional scrutiny of a human rights evaluation. This is not an insurmountable hurdle. Rather, it creates an opportunity to for the corporate management to lead, and to clarify the real-world value of human rights to an operations manager.

Examples from HRIA processes

Employing the human rights lens on projects in the forestry and extractive sectors, NomoGaia has seen companies and rightsholders benefit from improved mutual understanding. In one example, forestry company Green Resources Limited suffered from shortages of protective gear. This was a source of consternation for field managers, who watched workers halve their productivity when the lack of proper footwear made tromping through pine groves slower and the lack of proper gloves made tree trimming less safe. As human rights evaluations became a repeated practice, they came to recognize that human rights assessors could be used to leverage their requests for improved safety gear and other equipment.

This effect extends beyond the direct workforce. Uranium mining company Paladin’s community relations team had a strong and regular presence in the local community outside the mine, which made them accessible to vegetable producers who supplied food to the mine. These farmers, who could not access a formal grievance mechanism, recognized the opportunity to tell the community relations department that the procurement manager was swindling them on crop purchases. When it happened again, they recognized rightsholder engagement processes as a mechanism to re-issue their grievance.

Human rights and business practitioners have found clear benefits to directly engaging affected communities about impacts, experiences, and insecurities.

The advantages of the human rights lens

Industries with unwieldy supply chains can draw lessons from the use of the human rights lens in other industries. That is not to say these companies have all the answers or are immune from human rights shortcomings; the arc of the business and human rights learning curve is long. But the rightsholder engagement processes taps into fundamental learnings, and these learnings can benefit transnational companies struggling to understand the many dimensions of the Right to Water.

Annual Report 2014

Annual Report 2014

Dear NomoGaia supporters,

2014 was considered by many to be a turning point in the business and human rights movement. Three years after the UN Guiding Principles were unanimously endorsed, NGOs, governments and companies found common ground in a variety of global and local initiatives. NomoGaia had the opportunity to engage with each of these parties, through workshops, consultations, impact assessments and direct guidance.

We continued to partner with governments, companies, universities and intergovernmental organizations to amplify our voice and advance our work helping companies respect rights.

We piloted a fast-track human rights risk assessment methodology, engaged with the private security sector, and began an extended project to help international financial institutions understand and manage their responsibility to respect human rights.

We remain deeply grateful for your support, and we continue to be committed to providing actionable tools to advance the business and human rights movement.

Kendyl Salcito

Executive Director, NomoGaia

Leading by Example: The US Government’s National Action Plan for Responsible Business Conduct can be the difference between a bland position statement and genuine plan to act

As the US Government begins drafting a landmark National Action Plan on business and human rights, it is facilitating a series of consultations across the country. One of four was hosted at Berkeley’s Haas School of Business this month. An impressive mix of industry, government and civil society attended.

Companies with complex supply chains and financial institutions made important requests for “tools” that will equip them to evaluate their human rights impacts. This is a difficult request to parse. NomoGaia has been developing and publishing human rights due diligence tools for over 7 years, and organizations like BSR, GBI, DIHR and Foley Hoag have been privately supporting companies in assessment of human rights impacts. Practitioners have reached a level of consensus over what makes for adequate due diligence, which includes direct and ongoing engagement with rightsholders themselves. In general (though with important exceptions), corporations have been reluctant to acknowledge this central reality.

Companies have expressed interest in tools like human rights reporting mechanisms. Reporting tools that currently exist include consideration of whether companies identify salient risks to human rights. However, none employs the recognized international human rights instruments as a framework for benchmarking performance on a right-by-right basis. That weakens their ability to truly evaluate whether human rights are respected at the operational level.

As Dean Richard Lyons wrapped up the Berkeley consultation, he described an evolution the Haas School underwent after the 2008 financial crisis. Soul searching led the institution to question whether it had contributed to the crisis, failing to prepare MBA graduates to enter the business world responsibly. He said the school reformed its admissions process and stopped relying on perfect GMAT scores as a shoo-in for admission. Students needed to be evaluated on characteristics that couldn’t be conveyed in test scores or resumes. Interviews became part of Haas’ evaluation procedure.

Dean Lyons didn’t link this new admissions process back to human rights due diligence, but if he didn’t mean it as a metaphor, he should have. There is no way to make human rights due diligence a tick-box exercise. There is no way to know that a business’s practices are responsible without digging beneath the policy statements and sustainability reports. Not yet, anyway. NomoGaia has found this to be demonstrably true at every operation we have assessed.

The US Government’s team is committed to making the National Action Plan useful and concrete to swiftly impact the way corporate human rights responsibilities are understood. To meet that goal, we suggest that the Plan include requirements for companies to directly engage affected rightsholders. The government’s ongoing engagement with the American public in the Plan’s drafting can be seen as leading by doing.

NomoGaia will be contributing input to the National Action Plan based on our practitioners’ knowledge and experience. If you have insight that might tip the scales toward improving human rights outcomes for populations affected by American businesses abroad, send comments to NAP-RBC@state.gov.